121 Introduction This chapter discusses indigenous radio broadcasting in Ghana with the focus on the role played by indigenous languages in empowering various social groups in the society within the democratic arrangement of the country. This contribution is an attempt to awaken research interest in various aspects of indigenous broadcasting in Ghana and other emerg- ing democracies with similar socio- political and media developments. A  literature search shows few studies that have examined the role or place of indigenous languages in the media and political democratisa- tion process in emerging democracies like Ghana or Africa as a whole. While most studies are either focused on the positive developments that have characterised emerging democracies following the embrace of deregulation, the few available studies on the use of local language in the media are mainly from East European and Asian perspectives (Blankson, 2005). The deregulation of the broadcasting sphere in Ghana during the late 1990s and the various policies that were formulated later to make broadcasting beneficial not only to media organisations but also to the various sections of society make an evaluation of some aspects of the enterprise worthwhile. The deregulation of the broadcast industry in Ghana has led to a shift from government controlled broadcasting to the inclusion of private par- ticipation in a now pluralist media industry. The early stages of deregula- tion in the early 2000 saw most media houses using English language as the primary mode for communication, with the majority of broadcast content in the English language. The domination of English in the media at that time was made nearly complete by the fact that there were practi- cally no local dialect newspapers; almost all newspapers were published 6 Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana: Retrospect and Prospect Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu A. Salawu et al. (eds.), Indigenous Language Media, Language Politics and Democracy in Africa © The Editor(s) 2016 122 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu in English. Therefore, the uneducated or people who did not understand English were alienated from the English- oriented media sphere and politi- cal debates. The situation becomes dire as one moves from the urban cen- tres towards the rural areas. Statistics from the UNESCO 2007 report shows that the majority of Ghanaians reside in rural areas and have a literacy rate of 49%. In addition, Kafewo (2006, p. 5) noted that most Ghanaians are not fluent in the English language and feel more comfortable using their local dialects in communication. Consequently, Blankson (2005) argued that the ‘overwhelming dependence’ of the media on the use of the English language reflects the insensitivity of the media to the major- ity of the people who are prevented from participating in media debates. Such practice raises fundamental questions about the rights of citizens to access information from the media and to communicate or partici- pate in media debates. These questions embody the global debate on the need for universal access to the media in order to bridge the informa- tion gap between the ‘information rich’ and ‘information poor’ (Cave and Prosperetti, 2001), a gap created by cultural, socio- political and economic factors. Using the radio in Ghana as a case study, this chapter will examine the relationship between the use of indigenous language in radio broadcasting and citizens’ participation in the democratisa- tion process of emerging democracies like Ghana. Firstly, drawing from the policy perspective, the chapter examines the extent to which media policies  – Guidelines for Local Language Broadcasting of 2009  – have impacted on the broadcasting industry and the degree to which they have empowered the once neglected peasants to participate in both the media and political spheres. Secondly, the challenges confronting radio stations with regard to the use of local language in broadcasting will be examined. Finally, this chapter makes recommendations that will show policymakers and broadcasters how indigenous languages can effectively be utilised in the broadcasting industry and the implications this has for the media’s growth and development, and democratic sustenance. By way of structure, this Chapter begins with definitional issues per- taining to indigenous broadcasting and continues with a discussion on some matters relating to the linguistics of Ghana. This should provide the background needed to help contextualise subsequent discussions in an illuminating manner. There follows a discussion on the need for local language broadcasting in Ghana, after which various policy interventions in indigenous broadcasting receive attention. Towards the end of the chapter the challenges and prospects of indigenous language broadcasting are discussed, concluding with some recommendations for improving indigenous broadcasting in Ghana. Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 123 Ghana: a brief geo- political profile Ghana, previously Gold Coast, is a West African country with Togo, Burkina Faso and Côte d’Ivoire bordering it on the east, north and west, respectively. The country has the Gulf of Guinea providing a coast line along its southern border, with a current population of 24,658,823.1 The people of Ghana are scattered across ten administrative regions, with slightly more than half (55%) constituting the rural population. The literacy level stands at 51%, and this refers to people aged five years and above who are literate in English or a local language (Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), 2008). Without going into the myths and other accounts of how the various people of Ghana came to settle in their present location, this synopsis traces the history from the 19thcentury. This reference point should serve the purpose of the study since by the beginning of the 19th century, the various groups of people forming present- day Ghana had settled in their current locations (Adu Boahen, 1975). Scholars such as Adu Boahen (1975) and Anokwa (1997) generally agree that the pre- Gold Coast settlers were made up of two language subfamilies: the Gur and the Kwa, who were settled in the northern and southern parts of the Volta River, respectively. Adu Boahen (1975) notes that these two major linguistic subfamilies, who reflected the dominant ethnic groups in the area, were further subdivided. For example, the Kwa ‘mother’ language, which happens to be the source of the majority of languages in West Africa, had three subcategories: the Akan, the Ga- Adangbe and the Ewe, each with further sub- ethnic and - dialect units. And the Gur to the north also had three major linguistic subgroups: the Gurma, Grusi and Mole Dagbani. These settlements and linguistic patterns have remained up to contemporary times, details of which will be discussed shortly, especially how they relate to mass media in the country. Ghana’s socio- political history is strongly linked with the country’s contact with Western Europe, which dates back to the 15thcentury when Portuguese traders landed in Elmina in 1471 (Anokwa, 1997). This arrival opened the shores of the area to other Dutch, English, Swedish and Danish traders (in gold and slaves) and eventually led to the colonisation of the area by the British. After subjugating the indig- enous people, the British took control over the area (i.e. modern Ghana minus the trans- Volta Togoland) and called it Gold Coast. The capital of the Gold Coast colonial administration, headed by a governor, was initially established in Cape Coast but was later transferred to Accra. Using the local government system involving town councils and native 124 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu administration under the largely ‘indirect rule’ approach, the colonial government took steps to lay the foundations of a modern nation through the construction of ‘infrastructure and physical systems’ in the colony (Anokwa, 1997). This background informs the social and politi- cal situation of Ghana today. Ghana became a sovereign state from 1957 when it gained inde- pendence from British colonial rule. This happened through per- sistent political agitations by the local people, led by a number of Western- educated Ghanaian elites and a series of political events. The most important of these was indigenous political activism, which began in earnest from the mid- 1940s, leading to the formation of the first indigenous political party in 1947, the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC). Another party emerged when one of the execu- tives of the UGCC, Kwame Nkrumah, broke away and formed his own political party, the Convention People’s Party (CPP). This party eventu- ally led the Gold Coast into independence on 6 March 1957. The newly independent state assumed the name Ghana with Nkrumah as the Head of State. In 1960, Ghana became a republic under the First Republican Constitution, with Nkrumah as the Executive President. The political situation of Ghana from independence may be divided into two periods: the first, from independence to 1992, is character- ised by political instability; the second, from 1993 to current times, is politically stable. The period of political instability began with the overthrow of Nkrumah’s government in 1966 through a coup d’état. After Nkrumah’s removal from office, the country saw two democrati- cally elected and five military governments. The democratic govern- ments were led by Kofi Abrefa Busia ( 1969– 1972) and Hilla Limann ( 1979– 1981). None of these governments finished their first term of four years before they were also removed by military coups, which abolished the Constitution and replaced it with their own laws and decrees. These regimes were headed by Joseph Ankrah and Akwasi Afrifa ( 1966– 1969), Kutu Acheampong ( 1972– 1978), Fred Akuffo ( 1978– 1979) and Jerry Rawlings (1979; 1981– 1992). The re- democratisation period from 1993 to current times has seen a progressively liberal social and political environment ( Gyimah- Boadi, 2009) in which Ghana has had alternating governments of two political parties. During the 23 years from 1993 to 2013, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) has held power for the majority of the time – that is, 13 years ( 1993– 2000 and 2009– date) – while the NPP has held power for eight years ( 2001– 2008). The various political regimes of the country since independence are presented in Table 6.1. Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 125 The political history of Ghana, as presented above, has little direct bear- ing on indigenous language broadcasting; instead, it has had a great influence on the development of the country’s mass media and their practices as a whole. The various political governments came with var- ied legal and liberal environments, resulting in a chequered experience for the media. As shown in Table 6.1, Ghana had just brief spells of Table 6.1 The political regimes of Ghana from independence to date Period Regime Leader(s) Type of regime 2012 to date National Democratic Congress (NDC) John Dramani Mahama Democratic/ Civilian 2009– 2012 National Democratic Congress (NDC) John Evans Attah Mills Democratic/ Civilian 2005– 2008 New Patriotic Party (NPP) John Kufuor Democratic/ Civilian 2001– 2004 New Patriotic Party (NPP) John Kufuor Democratic/ Civilian 1997– 2000 National Democratic Congress (NDC) Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings Democratic/ Civilian 1993– 1996 National Democratic Congress (NDC) Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings Democratic/ Civilian 1981– 1992 Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings Military/ Authoritarian 1979– 1981 People National Party (PNP) Dr. Hilla Limann Democratic/ Civilian June 1979– September 1979 Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings Military/ Authoritarian 1978– 1978 Supreme Military Council II (SMCII) Gen. Fred Akuffo Military/ Authoritarian 1972– 1978 National Redemption Council (NRC) Supreme Military Council I (SMCI) Gen. Kutu Acheampong Military/ Authoritarian 1969– 1972 Progress Party (PP) Dr. Kofi Busia Democratic/ Civilian 1966– 1969 National Liberation Council (NLC) Gen. Joseph Ankrah Gen. Akwasi Afrifa Military/ Police Autocratic 1957– 1966 Convention People’s Party (CPP) Dr Kwame Nkrumah Democratic/ Civilian 126 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu civilian rule before 1993. While the civilian regimes provided the media relative freedom, for many years authoritarian governments controlled the state media and oppressed the private ones through licensing laws, harassment of journalists, arbitrary imprisonment, banning of media organisations, etc. for expressing views that ran counter to the political order of the day (Gadzekpo, 1997; Karikari, 1998). With this state of affairs, media development was much hampered until the mid- 1990s. As we will discuss later, the new democratic dispensation that began in 1993 paved the way for media independence and pluralism, resulting in the establishment of private newspaper, radio and television outlets. The first private radio station, Joy FM, was established in the late 1990s and subsequently there has been a flurry of radio and television units in the country. It is within this context that we discuss the impact of indigenous radio and our focus is on how local language in the media is enhancing democratic inclusiveness. Linguistic diversity and language attitudes in Ghana Ghana is a multi- ethnic and linguistically diverse country with over 50 ethnic groups and dialects originating from the Gur and Kwa subfamilies of languages of the northern and southern parts of the country, respectively. Linguistic diversity refers to ‘the use or existence of multiple languages or linguistic forms’ in a society (Ansah, 2008, p.  2). While the country’s linguistic diversity is not in doubt, there seems to be no consensus on the exact number of languages spoken in the country as scholars have given figures ranging from 50 to 90 (see Anokwa, 1997; Ansah, 2008; Blankson, 2005; Guerini, n.d.). In addition to these scholars, some interviewees in this study alleged that there are over 50 local dialects and that the most widely spoken of these are Akan and Ewe. The difficulty in determining the exact num- ber of languages stems from the splintered, and therefore complex, ethnic profile of the country. For instance, it has been linguistically problematic classifying communities, such as Nzema and Akan, with different or mutually unintelligible languages but belonging to the same cultures. The issue is that the people of Nzema are part of the Akan ethnic block, but they speak the Nzema language, which is dif- ferent to the Akan language (Obeng, 1997). Hence, some researchers classify the Nzema language as Akan while others do not. Confronted with this scenario, it is fair to put the number of languages at over 50 in a country of 24,791,073 people (latest census figures, see Ghana Demographics Profile, 2011). Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 127 Nine of the indigenous languages enjoy government sponsorship, which privileges them over the others. The sponsorship comes in various forms such as ‘budget allocations for the development of these languages (teacher training, curriculum development and publications’ (Ansah, 2008, p. 2). These privileged languages include Akan, Dagaare, Dagbane, Ewe, Dangbe, Ga, Kasem, Gonja and Nzema. Some of these languages, such as Akan, Ewe and Dagbani, are studied in higher educa- tion and have sometimes been used as the medium of instruction in for- mal education at the lower primary levels. Additionally, these languages feature in public communication, particularly on radio and television, where they are used to broadcast news and give announcements (along- side English). There is no sustaining government policy to justify the selective development of some languages in the country apart from the notion that these languages have the majority of speakers. Ghana is hence a typical multilingual society with varied speaker composition. Many Ghanaians can speak at least two indigenous lan- guages: their native language and one or more other language(s). Five of the languages (synonymous with the ethnic groups) with the most speakers in Ghana are Akan, Mole- Dagbani, Ewe, Ga- Adangbe and Guan. Each of these languages has many other sublanguages spoken by distinct communities with their own traditional governance structure. Native speakers of Akan constitute almost half the nation’s population at 49.1% (Ansah, 2008; Guerini, n.d.), leaving the remaining half to account for the many other languages spoken in the country. The other native speakers are composed of Mole- Dagbani 16.5%, Ewe, 12.7%, Ga- Adangbe 8% and Guan 4.4% (Ansah, 2008; Guerini, n.d). Therefore, Akan is clearly the dominant indigenous language in Ghana in terms of both the number of speakers and the amount of writ- ten output (see Obeng, 1997). Additionally, 60% of Ghanaians speak this language as a second language (Obeng, 1997), meaning that the majority of Ghanaians speak it. In fact, Akan serves as the lingua franca2 among the majority of Ghanaians across the country (see Guerini, n.d.). The dominance of Akan, as we will see later, is also reflected in its use in public communication and the media, particularly electronic media (both formal and popular). Certain other languages also enjoy some measure of privilege, providing them with more opportunities to develop, to the detriment of the many other languages that are neglected. In spite of the immense influence of the sponsored languages, par- ticularly Akan, Ghana has not been able to establish an indigenous language as a national or official language. This is not to say that the 128 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu issue has not been raised for public debate. On the contrary, since independence the idea of having an indigenous language as a national and/or official language has come up for public discussion on a number of occasions. However, like Nigeria, the debate has always proceeded from perspectives charged with emotional attachment to ethnic and linguistic ties that threatened the cohesion and peace of the nation (see Eribo, 1997). English thus fits opportunely into the role (official and/or national language) as a compromise language, and the situation could remain so for a long time to come. The advent of colonialism ensured that the English language took root and it is now a thriving language in Ghana. Functionally the offi- cial language, it has strategic educational and communication implica- tions. It is a prestige norm used by educated Ghanaians3 representing about 39% of the national population (see the GSS, 2008). Guerini (n.d., pp. 4– 5) emphasises the significance of English in Ghana thus: Like most African countries, in Ghana the ability to speak English remains the prerogative of a minority of the population, although a certain degree of competence is an indispensable requisite for hold- ing any public office (unlike the ability to speak a nationwide vehicu- lar language, such as Akan) and for participating in many aspects of national life. The above in part explains why language attitudes among Ghanaians largely favour English over the indigenous languages (Guerini, n.d.). Language attitudes in Ghana Ghanaians have high regard for language and its use, especially in the spoken medium. This underscores the fact that the majority of the peo- ple like to be told things in a language they understand, their language and ‘good’ language as well. From the traditional olden days until the present time, Ghanaian societies have accorded high social status to language, for example, the chief’s linguists and traditional storytellers. Linguists (known as Okyame in Akan and some other languages) are people skilled in language use who speak on behalf of a chief or king in public, while the traditional storytellers told (and still do) stories that captured the culture and other information of their people as a form of entertainment. The respect for people with such linguistic skills stems from the society’s consciousness of the place of language in the entire cultural production and reproduction in Ghanaian society. Hasty (2005) notes that Ghanaians have a high regard for oratory and equate Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 129 brilliance or intelligence with impressive fluency in language. Hence, it is a fact that Ghanaians, whether educated or not, generally enjoy listening to speakers in a language they understand, especially on mat- ters that concern them and their society. That radio continues to be the mass medium with by far the highest audience in the country (Kafewo, 2006) reinforces the important interplay among language, speaking and listening in public communication in Ghana. As we discuss later, this accounts for the proliferation and success of radio broadcasting from the mid- 2000s. In recent times, particularly in the mornings, it is com- mon to hear loud and interactive radio broadcasts on topical social and political issues in buses, bus stations, offices, shops and homes, almost all over the country. While it is the case that language attitudes largely favour English because of its place in education, commerce, the courts, etc., as well as the opportunities it offers, the effective use of indigenous languages in Ghanaian societies also accords people high status and attracts audiences. For example, in Ghana, most of the radio and television panellists on indigenous language programmes are accorded social rec- ognition because of their use of indigenous languages in the discussions. Therefore, the linguistic situation and language attitudes of Ghanaians have implications for indigenous language radio as an important com- ponent of public communication within the Ghanaian media. The need for indigenous language in broadcasting Human language is one of the most important characteristics that sets human beings apart from other creatures. This is in the sense that lan- guage represents the tool, content and structure of thought, such that knowledge is possible through language (Riley, 2007). Language has a definite purpose, the primary function being to enable people to com- municate among themselves by expressing, defining and sharing their feelings, opinions, values, experiences, dislikes, etc. with one another. In this study, we argue that language is a crucial element that consti- tutes the culture of a society. This centrality of language is reflected in Schudson’s definition of culture. According to him, ‘the way of life of a society, brings individuals and families of varying circumstances and background together in a collectivity with which people may strongly identify, take primary meanings from, and find emotional satisfaction [in]’ (1994, p.64). The above definition identified language as the com- mon factor or bond that keeps individuals and family together in order to achieve common goals or objectives. In other words, language is a 130 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu pertinent value of society as without language society will disintegrate (see Blankson, 2005). Various experts have argued for indigenous languages to be used in public communication in the media. Benedict Anderson (2006) in his book ‘Imagined Communities’ argued that local languages play a significant role in the development of society that is characterised by large cultural systems. Schudson (1994) also posited that language is a vital element of communication, i.e. from interpersonal to mass communication; thus, broadcasting systems should reflect or use the indigenous language(s) of the society in which they find themselves (see also Ugboajah,1985). These scholars share the view that not using the indigenous languages will contribute to the concentration of vital information with a few people in society, thereby hindering the socio- economic, cultural and political development of that society. Bourgault (1995) argued that African society was built around the oral tradition of speech  – communication in local languages  – and this is a sacred and powerful means of communication. This oral tradition of speech ‘is more trusted than written words’ (de Sola Pool, 1963, p. 247) and this distinguishes African society from the Western world, where emphasis is placed on the written word. The above conceptualisa- tion emphasises that people’s interests are best served when they are addressed in their own language – a language they identify with as the bearer of their cultural destiny. However, with the introduction of mass media in Africa by the colonial masters, the English language has been propped up as the dominant mode of communication, which antagonises the already established oral tradition of speech, i.e. the local dialects of the peo- ple. According to Des Wilson (1987, p.88) the oral tradition of speech ‘remains what essentially sustains the information needs of the rural people who represent over 70% of the national populations of most Third World states’. And with the introduction of English as the means of communication, most people are prevented from understanding the message and are vulnerable to foreign cultures reflected in the media. Therefore, Ugboajah (1985) posited that the media systems of nation states should be structured to reflect the culture and traditions of the people, as the cultural, political and economic factors of society impact on the structure of broadcasting (see McQuail, 1993). Ugboajah’s argu- ment is based on the need to protect local languages and address the marginalisation of the rural, illiterate populace who are left behind in the communication flow. To this end, countries have started formu- lating and implementing language and media policies that will help Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 131 protect and integrate the society by bridging the information gap that exists within it. For instance, South Africa adopted the multilingual language policy in order to ‘promote the status of the nine African languages by, among other things, using them as media of learning’ (Kamwangamalu, 2002, p.  119). Similarly, Musau (2003) argued that there are various charters and declarations in Kenya that are geared towards protecting and promoting the use of Kiswahili and other mother tongues in the country. The flourishing of the Ghanaian media, particularly the broadcast industry, by the late 2000s, called for some rethinking in the direction of policy and regulation. There was a realisation that it was necessary to guide the industry and make it more responsive to the needs and expec- tations of the majority of audiences nationwide. The key issue was the medium through which information from radio broadcasting reached audiences. However, it was not until 2009 that Ghana formulated and implemented the first policy, titled ‘Guidelines for Local Language Broadcasting’, which seeks to promote the use of local languages in the media through the help of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Although there were other policies such as the National Media Policy (2000), and Ghana ICT for Accelerated Development (ICT4AD) Policy (2003), which charged the media ‘to use local dialects in broadcasting and increase production in local content, so as to reach the marginalised public’ (Akpojivi, 2012b, p. 151), it was the Guidelines of Local Language Broadcasting that actually served as a framework for indigenous language use in the media. However, schol- ars like Blankson (2005) and Musau (2003) argue that the presence of language and cultural policies with regard to broadcasting in society does not guarantee that the utmost objective(s) of the policies will be realised, as most policies are ‘woefully inadequate’ and their implemen- tation problematic. Therefore, this chapter will examine the extent to which language and cultural policies in Ghana have been integrated into radio broadcasting and the degree to which this has empowered the public in participating in both the media and political spheres. Indigenous language radio broadcasting in Ghana The purpose of this section is not to give a comprehensive account of radio broadcasting in Ghana but to highlight the transition and practices that occurred from the colonial era when radio broadcasting started in Ghana until now. Broadcasting started in Ghana in 1935 when the then colonial governor, Arnold Hudson, established relay sta- tions to distribute news items from London to Accra (Bourgault, 1995). 132 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu As time went by, more relay stations were opened in other towns, such as Kumasi, Korofidua and Sekondi, in order to serve the information needs of the public by giving them administrative information (ibid). However, Ansah (1985) argued that the introduction of broadcasting in Ghana by the colonial master (from the United Kingdom) was not to meet the information needs of the public but to provide a propaganda tool for educating the public about policies and events happening in the British Empire (cited in Alhassan, 2005, p.  212). This rationale for the introduction of radio in the country implies that radio is an effective tool for education, especially if the messages get to the people being targeted. The first relay station, later known as Radio Zoy, was replicated across the country to broadcast programmes mainly produced by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). After the Second World War, the British colonial government saw the need to introduce major structural and fundamental changes, which included the training of indigenes in broadcasting techniques and encouraging them to participate in broad- casting. For instance, by 1956 there were ‘over 445 radio technicians and 163 radio managers’ who were trained through the BBC (Tudesq, 1983, p. 23). Furthermore, Radio Zoy started broadcasting in indigenous languages such as Hause, Akan, Ewe, Ta and Dagbani ( Jones- Quartey, 1960). According to Blankson, this shift from English to indigenous language broadcasting was due to the fact that the ‘British administra- tors soon realised that radio broadcasting in Ghana must use vernacular languages if its programmes were to be understood by the native’ (2005, p. 6). Ansah (1985) shared a similar view and argued that with the use of indigenous languages in broadcasting, the colonial government was able to reach more of the public with their messages, as by 1945 the sub- scribers of radio had increased to 5850 (cited in Alhassan, 2005, p. 212). By 1953, Radio Zoy was renamed Gold Coast Broadcasting Service (GCBS), and after independence it was renamed Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) by Nkrumah, head of the CPP. The trend of indig- enous language broadcasting continued and the early leaders of inde- pendent Ghana (e.g. Kwame Nkrumah) further encouraged the use of indigenous language in broadcasting. This, according to Ansah (1979), was to enable the government to reach out to the rural peasants and inform them about government policies. Some scholars have criticised this move as ‘government propaganda to politically sensitize the rural people’ (cited in Blankson, 2005, p. 7) rather than to empower them. However, the deregulation of the broadcasting industry in 1995, following the adoption of a liberal constitution in 1992 that called Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 133 for ‘media freedom’, witnessed the movement of radio broadcasting from indigenous languages back to English. According to Blankson (2005), such a move is attributed to the proliferation of private radio stations following deregulation, whose programmes were tailored to Western style. Indeed, the majority of the radio stations that were established during the early years of deregulation  – for example, Joy FM, Choice FM, Citi FM, Radio Gold, Uniiq FM among others – broadcast predominantly in English. To this end, most radio programmes were entertainment (music), with the presenters speaking like radio present- ers in the United Kingdom, United States, etc. Hence, a former Deputy Minister of Communication described Ghana’s radio as ‘foreignisation’ of radio broadcasting (Commander Griffith, 1999, cited in Blankson, 2005, p. 11). Following public outcry and the implementation of the language and cultural policy in broadcasting, such as the National Media Policy and Guidelines for Local Language Broadcasting, there has been a sys- tematic move back to the use of indigenous languages in broadcasting. For instance, Peace FM and Radio Gold began to air their news in two native languages, Twi and Ewe, as well as in English; likewise, other radio stations such as Adom FM, Nhyira, Kasapa FM and Asempa FM started broadcasting their programmes in Akan language, also known as ‘ Twi- Fante’. Nevertheless, the success of such initiatives are debat- able; while some scholars argue that there has been significant progress in the use of local languages in broadcasting, other feel the use of local languages has been downplayed. The following section will examine this trend and argue that to a large extent the use of local languages in radio broadcasting has empowered the illiterate and peasant population in participating in the media and political sphere. As Bodomo et al. (2009, p. 12) have argued, the usage of Ghanaian indigenous languages has ‘given opportunities to voices which were marginalised because of their inability to speak English to express their views[…]through the use of the indigenous languages in the mass media, large segments of the population who were otherwise excluded from the communication process can now participate in the democratic process’, thus bridging the information gap that once existed in the society and helping the democratisation process. Indigenous language in broadcasting: from the policy perspective The Ghanaian media sphere is governed by many policies and Acts that serve as the framework for the operation of the mass media. However, for the purpose of this study the policies that are specifically related 134 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu to local language broadcasting will be examined. These are the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, National Media Policy (2000), the ICT4AD(2003) and the Guidelines for Local Language Broadcasting (2009). First, it is necessary to review the rationale behind each policy; this is germane to providing a framework for understanding the impact of the use of local languages in the media. The 1992 constitution of the Republic of Ghana Following the re- democratisation process from the early 1990s, the 1992 Constitution was formulated as part of the reform process. Heath (1999, p. 512) regarded the Constitution as the ‘definitive voice of broadcast- ing policy’ in Ghana because of its explicit provision with regard to the freedom of the media, which has consequently influenced the framing of other media policies in Ghana. Article 162 of the 1992 Constitution guarantees absolute freedom and independence to the mass media, devoid of interference and censorship. The purpose of this absolute freedom is to facilitate ‘ socio- political, economic and cultural develop- ment of the society in order to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)’ (Akpojivi, 2012b, p. 104). As a policymaker confirmed, the central objective of the Constitution is to guarantee the freedom of every citizen to participate in both the media environment and the political arena (Anonymous, Interview, Accra, 29 July 2010). Other sections of the Constitutions lend support to the above provi- sion. Article 34 of the Constitution vividly entails the directive princi- ples of state policy, which charged the state to ensure the integration of the state, meaning that every Ghanaian should have access to public facilities and participate in public discourse. This provision is significant because the integration of society can only take place when the public are empowered. The use of indigenous languages in broadcasting is one of the major means by which this empowerment can occur since it grants radio access to the people who have been discriminated against and prohibited from taking part in civil, political and economic activi- ties because of a language barrier. National media policy (2000) This is the first policy in the Ghana media environment that actually spells out the framework for the operation of the media after years of confusion about what is required of the mass media (see Buckley et al., 2005). The findings of the policy came out of other policy documents, Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 135 such as the 1996 film policy seminar, and consultation with media prac- titioners and media experts (National Media Policy, 2000). Like the 1992 Constitution, the central objective of the National Media Policy is to ‘promote and ensure a free, independent, dynamic and public spirited media that will provide access for all, and not only some of our people to participate freely, fully and creatively at the community, national and global level’ (National Media Policy, 2000). To this end, the policy considered all media as a public trust whose objective is to reflect the interest of the general public irrespective of ownership structure (ibid). This policy position is relevant to the debate of local language usage in radio broadcasting because, if the people are to access the media and participate in the discourse at both community and national level, they should be able to understand the content of radio broadcast. According to the policy, the use of local languages in broadcasting is vital in order to include the people excluded from such participation because of their inability to understand English language (ibid). It is noteworthy that this idea of the use of local language in broadcasting was influenced by the need to improve accessibility to the mass media in order to achieve universal access to the media, which was also a central policy goal. Ghana information communication technology for accelerated development (2003) Although this policy is more related to improving the socio- economic and political development of the Ghanaian state using information communication technology (Buckley et al., 2005; see also Jebuni and Oduro, 1998), the policy goal of facilitating universal access to the media makes it relevant to this discussion. In relation to broadcasting, the policy states that there is a need to enhance universal access to the media due to the high illiteracy rate of about 40%, coupled with the fact that 51% of Ghanaians reside in the rural areas with limited or no basic amenities and communication infrastructure. Therefore, the policy calls for the establishment of three tiers of broadcasting, i.e. public broad- casting, commercial broadcasting and community broadcasting, as a way of increasing communication infrastructure. In addition, the policy charges the mass media, whether public, commercial or community, to use local dialects in broadcasting and to increase production in local content, in order to meet the information needs of the neglected 40% illiterate and 51% rural population. According to Coleman et al., the inclusion of these marginalised people in the communication process is pivotal to the consolidation of democracy (2011).4 136 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu Guidelines for local language broadcasting (2009) This is the first media policy to set out the framework for the use of local language in broadcasting. This policy was formulated with the aid of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The National Media Commission,5 in a bid to encourage the use of indigenous language in broadcasting in order to preserve culture, formulated this policy to guide the broadcasters. Prior to the formulation of this policy, most broadcasters used the indigenous languages in broadcasting but were often criticised for over- exaggerating news stories during the translation process from English to the indigenous languages. Therefore, this policy not only seeks to address such professional shortfalls but also to establish a framework by which the use of indig- enous languages in broadcasting will be regulated. According to the policy, all broadcasts in indigenous languages should abide by the core values or principles of journalism, i.e. accuracy, objectivity, fairness and comprehensiveness, amongst others (Guidelines for Local Language Broadcasting, 2009, p.  1). To this end, the defining values for indig- enous language broadcasting include ‘the need to engender dialogue for equitable development, the provision of voice and empowerment to the people, and the need to affirm and strengthen cultural expression by leveraging indigenous knowledge through the application of core journalistic values and principles’ (ibid, p. 11). To realise the above objective, the policy makes some recommenda- tions, and especially to media organisations. The policy tells all indig- enous language broadcasters to ensure that their ‘reporters, news readers and presenters speak and write the local language in which they broad- cast with high proficiency’ (ibid, p.7). This is to ensure that there are no linguistic problems with broadcasting or broadcast content. It is also to avoid, or drastically reduce, instances of news being misunderstood by the public. The policy further calls on all broadcasters to produce programmes that will educate the public and promote positive cultural values, especially those that are unique to Ghanaians (ibid). Local language in radio broadcasting and citizens’ participation The above policies provide insights into the thinking of the policy for- mulators regarding indigenous broadcasting in the country. It could be argued that the primary objective of the policies is to facilitate universal access to the media through the use of indigenous languages, which Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 137 is one of the veritable tools for speeding up development and encour- aging citizens’ participation. According to a Senior Media Executive and Board Member of Graphic Communications, Professor Kwame Karikari, ‘the improvement in accessibility depends on the use of our mother tongues; the more we use them (mother tongues), the more we empower people to be able to communicate properly and effectively[…] if we don’t encourage the use of our mother tongues in communica- tion, the issue of the right to communicate and participate in society will seriously be limited’ (Interview, Accra, 13 August 2010, emphasis added). The quote clearly underscores the importance of indigenous languages in the empowerment of the people through enhancing understanding and participation in societal activities. If people are to participate in debates and perform their civil duties, they should have information and understand such information. As Kuma Drah, Senior Editor of the state broadcaster GBC puts it, ‘democracy flourishes when the peo- ple have access to information to be able to hold governments account- able and also know what their governments are doing. This can only happen when such information can easily be understood by the people in terms of them being proficient in the language used in passing the information across’ (Interview, Accra, 3 August 2010). Various writers share the above position. For instance, Ugboajah (1985, 1986) and Des Wilson (1987) argued that communication and information should be in the indigenous languages of the people and that structures and mechanisms should be built to encourage and facili- tate media communication in the indigenous languages. According to Professor Kwame Karikari, the structures and mechanisms could only be built when societies ‘demand from government laws and policies like a national language policy, a policy that will encourage the development, education and use of our mother tongues. And the re- organisation of the media, i.e. public service broadcasters and commercial broadcast- ers to accommodate all ethnic identities in terms of language, culture, content in their broadcast’ (Interview, Accra, 13 August 2010). The above view indicates that some individuals in Ghanaian society also acknowledge the need for government and regulatory agencies in the media industry to provide direction for media consciousness and action that strive to reach the local people through their own language. Although, there is no national language policy in Ghana, the introduc- tion of the various policies discussed early has given impetus to indig- enous language broadcasting in Ghana. Consequently, most radio stations (and also television) have started broadcasting some of their programmes – for example, news and talk 138 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu shows– in the indigenous languages in order to reach out to the mar- ginalised people. For example, programmes like Kokrokoo, Asemsebe, Mamafos Nkomo, Kanawu and Asenta are aired in the indigenous languages of Twi, Ga and Akan (see Prah, 2005). Similarly, most radio stations carry out newspaper reviews in the morning and this is often done using indigenous languages such as Akan, Twi and Ga. Although most of the private radio stations use the dominant languages of Akan and Ewe in their broadcasts (Kafewo, 2006), the state- owned radio sta- tions broadcast in the seven major Ghanaian languages of Dagbani, Ewe, Nzem, Akan, Ga, Hausa and English. According to a regional coordinator at GBC, Peggy Ama Donkor, ‘because of the public service status of GBC, it is mandatory that we broadcast some of our pro- grammes in seven major languages in Ghana, i.e. Dagbani, Ewe, Nzem, Akan, Ga, Hausa and English, in order to reach out to the wider public and empower them politically, economically and culturally’ (Interview, Accra, 7 September 2010). PuyeFranz (1998, p.3), while upholding this opinion, stated that Radio Ghana, which broadcast on two ser- vice networks(i.e. Radio One and Radio Two), ‘broadcasts on average 250 hours per week in six Ghanaian languages and English’, even though equal time was not allocated to all languages in broadcasting(more time was allocated to the dominant languages Akan and Ewe). See Table 6.2 below for a list of some radio stations6 in Ghana and their medium of communication. Observing the media sphere in contemporary times, we argue that the guidelines on indigenous broadcasting have motivated many radio stations in the use of indigenous languages in broadcasting as indicated in Table 6.1. Peace FM, a private commercial radio station, serves as a typical example of stations that have tailored most of their programmes to help the political, economic and cultural emancipation of the people using indigenous languages. Content analysis conducted on Peace FM programmes revealed that the total broadcasting time of all their programmes in a week aired in the Akan language is 166.1 hours, with 4.9% of the broadcast time devoted to news. Religious programmes like Peace Time (12.8%), Gospel Hour (9.3%) and Gospel Show (0.78%) have the most broadcasting time. Entertainment programmes like Working Time (6.02%), Ekwan so Brebre (10.9%) and Omo Tuo Special (2.4%) come second in broadcasting time. In addition, social programmes like Wo Haw ne Sen, Mpom te Sen and Asomdwoe each take up 1.2% of the broadcast time, and sport consti- tutes 6.83%. Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 139 Table 6.2 List of some radio stations that broadcast in indigenous languages in Ghana Name of radio stations Medium of communication Location Peace FM Akan Accra Adom FM Akan Tema Meridian FM Akan Tema Happy FM Akan Accra Top Radio Akan Accra Hits FM Akan Accra Great FM Akan Accra Sena Akan, Ga, Ewe Tema Hot FM Akan Accra Asempa FM Akan Accra Obonu FM Ga Accra Fox FM Akan Kumasi Hello FM Akan Kumasi Radio Mercury Akan Kumasi Capital FM Akan Kumasi Nhyira Akan Kumasi Max FM Akan Enchie Oman FM Akan Accra Volta Star Radio Ewe Aflao Radio BAR Akan Sunyani Eastern FM Akan Koforidua Rock FM Akan Takoradi Eagle FM Akan Cape Coast Kasapa FM Akan London, UK Ahomka Akan, English Elmina Fontomfrom FM Akan Kumasi Radio Savannah FM Dagbane Tamale URA Radio FM Dagaare Wa Radio Upper West FM Gurenne Bolgatanga Source: Bodomo et al. (2009). Also worth a special mention is the current affairs programme Kokrokoo (a morning show on Peace FM), which constitutes 3.1% of the broadcast time. The programme’s popularity is due to the range of topical issues covered (politics, economics, culture and other burning national issues) and the fact that the hosts, panellists and audiences all contribute to the discussion. See Table 6.3 for the Peace FM programme schedule. 140 Ta bl e 6. 3 Pe ac e FM p ro gr am m e sc h ed u le P E A C E P R O G R A M M E S C H E D U L E T IM E /D A Y M O N D A Y T U E SD A Y W E D N E SD A Y T H U R SD A Y FR ID A Y W E E K E N D S SA T U R D A Y SU N D A Y 4. 00 am – 6. 00 am G O SP EL H O U R G O SP EL H O U R G O SP EL H O U R G O SP EL H O U R G O SP EL H O U R 4. 00 am – 6. 00 am G O SP EL H O U R G O SP EL H O U R 6. 00 am – 6. 25 am A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S 6. 00 am – 6. 15 am A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S 6. 30 am – 10 .0 0a m K O K R O K O O K O K R O K O O K O K R O K O O K O K R O K O O K O K R O K O O 6. 15 am – 8. 00 am K O K R O K O O G O SP EL H O U R 10 .0 0a m – 10 .1 0a m W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E 8. 00 am – 9. 00 am SA T U R D A Y SP EC IA L O M O T U O SP EC IA L 10 .0 0a m – 11 .0 0a m W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E 9. 00 am – 10 .0 0a m SP O R T S O M O T U O SP EC IA L 11 .0 0a m – 11 .0 5a m W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E 10 .0 0a m – 11 .0 0a m SP O R T S O M O T U O SP EC IA L 11 .0 5a m – 12 .0 0n oo n W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E W O R K IN G T IM E 11 .0 0a m – 12 .0 0p m W EE K EN D JI V E O M O T U O SP EC IA L 12 .0 0n oo n – 12 .2 5p m A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S 12 .0 0p m – 12 .1 5p m A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S 12 .3 0p m – 2. 00 p m SP O R T S SP O R T S SP O R T S SP O R T S SP O R T S 12 .1 5p m – 3. 00 p m EN T ER TA IN M EN T R EV IE W SU N D A Y R EN D EZ V O U S 2. 00 p m – 2. 05 p m A SO M D W E N K O M O A FT ER N O O N SP EI C A L W O H A W N E SE N EN T ER TA IN M EN T R EV IE W M PO M T E SE N 3. 00 p m – 3. 30 p m EN T ER TA IN M EN T R EV IE W SP O R T S 2. 00 p m – 4. 00 p m A SO M D W O E N K O M O 3. 00 – 4 .0 0 A FT ER N O O N SP EI C A L W O H A W N E SE N 3. 00 – 4 .0 0 EN T ER TA IN M EN T R EV IE W M PO M T E SE N 3. 30 p m – 4. 00 p m EN T ER TA IN M EN T R EV IE W SP O R T S 4. 00 p m – 4. 05 p m EK W A N SO B R EB R E EK W A N SO B R EB R E EK W A N SO B R EB R E EK W A N SO B R EB R E EK W A N SO B R EB R E 4. 00 p m – 4. 05 p m A D A D A M SP O R T S 141 4. 05 p m – 6. 00 p m EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N SO B R EB R E 5. 00 p m – 6. 00 p m A D A D A M SP O R T S 6. 00 p m – 6. 20 p m A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S 6. 00 p m – 6. 15 p m A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S 6. 20 p m – 7. 00 p m EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E 6. 15 p m – 7. 00 p m P. P A R T Y M IX EB E 7. 00 p m – 8. 00 p m EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E EK W A N S O B R EB R E 7. 00 p m – 9. 00 p m P. P A R T Y M IX W O G Y ID IE N E 8. 00 p m – 8. 10 p m A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S A K A N N EW S 9. 00 p m – 10 .0 0p m P. P A R T Y M IX G O SP EL SH O W 8. 10 p m – 9. 00 p m T H E PL A T FO R T M ET U O M U Y E SU M T H E PL A T FO R H O M E A G A IN O LD S K U U L 10 .0 0p m – 10 .3 0p m PE A C E LA N E G O SP EL SH O W 9. 00 p m – 10 .0 0p m A D A D A M ET U O M U Y E SU M M U SI C FI LL U P H O M E A G A IN O LD S K U U L 10 .3 0p m – 12 .0 0a m PE A C E LA N E PE A C E LA N E 10 .0 0p m – 12 .0 0a m N IG H T LI N E C R U IZ E PE A C E LA N E PE A C E LA N E W O B A A D A A N A A PE A C E LA N E 12 .0 0a m – 4. 00 am PE A C E LA N E PE A C E LA N E 12 .0 0a m – 4. 00 am N IG H T LI N E C R U IZ E PE A C E LA N E PE A C E LA N E PE A C E LA N E PE A C E LA N E So ur ce : Pe ac e FM . 142 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu On the other hand, an analysis of the programmes of Adom FM, which also broadcasts in the Akan language, revealed that the station broadcast for 152.8 hours in a week, with programmes such as Adom Ahengua constituting 13.7% of the broadcast time. In addition, Dwaso Nsem/ Sport represents 11.9% and Adom Kaseibo 10.6%. Programmes such as Sponsored Gospel Show accounted for 9.8% of the broadcast time, Dwaso Nsem 6.5%, Work and Happiness 6.5%, Ofie Kwanso 6.5%, and Gospel Music 2.68% of the broadcast time. Programmes such as Announcements made up 1.4% of the broadcast time, Live Worship 6.7%, Adom Sport Nite 3.27%, Adom Sport 1.4%, Times with Bishop James 1.5% and Naasem University 1.3%. There are other programmes on various radio stations in which local languages are used as the broadcasting medium. For example, Drive Time and Wo Hau Ne S3n (a health talk show mean- ing ‘What’s your problem?’) are aired at different times of the day. Other radio stations also broadcast in indigenous languages. For example, according to Blankson, Radio Gold developed ‘an Akan pro- gramme that discussed Akan culture and traditions[…]and later began to air their news in English and the two native languages of Twi and Ga’ (2005, p. 12). One significant aspect of the programme (such as kokrokoo, drive time amongst others) is the opportunity for the public to contribute to the discussion either through phone- ins, or through social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter. Such programmes have enabled the educated, uneducated and peasants in Ghanaian society to participate in media debates, thereby giving them a sense of belonging (Fosu and Akpojivi, 2013). As one news editor, Edward Nyarko, puts it, ‘I think it is a good idea that stations are beginning to produce programmes in the local languages of the people[…]such interactive programmes in the local lan- guages give the people the chance to speak on issues that are partaking to their lives and a platform to voice their concerns’ (Interview, Accra, 30 July 2010). Similarly, a Senior Media Executive posited that ‘stations that use local languages in their broadcast contribute significantly to the development of the society and people at large. Because first and fore- most, their concern will be on the welfare of their host community or locality; this will endear the people to the station, thus [there will be] the improvement in the lives of the local residents and that of the station’ (Anonymous, Interview, Accra, 13 August 2010). Additionally, nearly all of the radio stations have taken advantage of the Guidelines for Local Language Broadcasting this policy to engage in comprehensive news analysis, and newspaper reviews in the indigenous language of the people (Akpojivi, 2012b). For example, most hosts of Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 143 these programmes read out some of the major stories or headlines from the newspapers in the indigenous languages before engaging their pan- ellists on the programme. This therefore affords members of the public, who have limited opportunities to buy and read the newspapers, to have first- hand information on what is happening in the country as reported in the dailies. This, according to Kafewo, has changed the face of broad- casting in Ghana, as it has increased the audience reach and encouraged them to participate in debates primarily because of the use of indigenous languages in broadcasting (2006, p. 7). Prah (2005) in his study on the impact of indigenous language radio in Ghana, Mali and Senegal, was of the opinion that the majority of the public are most likely to listen to programmes aired in indigenous languages. See Table 6.4 for some of the programmes most likely to the listened to by the public. Challenges and prospects There have been challenges confronting the use of indigenous languages in radio broadcasting. The dominant challenge is the issue of majority and minority languages. As stated earlier, most of the radio broadcasts are in the two widely spoken languages, i.e. Akan and Ewe, with a few stations, such as the state- owned radio station, broadcasting in the seven languages of Akan, Ewe, Hausa, Nzem, Ga, Dagbani and English. Since Ghana is a multi- ethnic country with over 50 ethnic groups and languages, broadcasting in two or seven local languages raises the issue Table 6.4 Programmes aired in indigenous languages and most likely to be listened to Programmes Language Percentage Newspapers Review Twi 7 Asomdwe Nkomo Twi 4 Mamafos Nkomo Twi 3 Kokrokoo Twi/English 10 Wohe te sen Twi 7 News Twi 4 Mma Nkomo Twi 1 Political Issues Gonja/Dagbani/Eng 1 Asenta Ga 1 Education Gonja/Dagbani/Eng 1 Agoro Twi 1 Debates Ga 1 Efie Kwanso Twi 1 Source: Prah (2005). 144 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu of majority and minority languages where those languages that are not used to broadcast news become the minority (Akpojivi, 2012a). This means the rights of the minority are being abused and this needs to be protected as documented in the UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity Policy 2001. It also means that only a few privileged languages are being developed with the support of the state and media institutions. As one journalist described it: ‘We have over 50 dialects in the country, but most media broadcast in the dominate dialects. Do we assume that everybody speaks or understands these dominant dialects? Some groups of people have definitely been left out, and they will con- tinue to be left out until something is done.’ (Anonymous, Interview, 3 August 2010.) Similarly, another News Editor added: ‘When you listen to most radio stations we have in Ghana, yes, you will realise that Akan language is becoming the dominant language used in broadcasting[…] one needs to be mindful of this, because some minority groups might think that they are being marginalised because Akan seems to be domi- nant in the society.’ (Anonymous, Interview, Accra, 30 July 2010.) This problem is further compounded by the inability of the various policies (already discussed) to identify and create different levels of indigenous broadcasting, i.e. national, regional and local. The National Telecommunication Policy (2005) and the National Media Policy (2000) only classified the media into public media, commercial media and community media (see Akpojivi, 2012b). To this end, the different types of media (public, commercial and community) tend to broadcast some of their programmes in indigenous languages, predominantly Akan and Ewe. However, it worth noting that community radio stations in Ghana broadcast in the indigenous languages of their host communities; nev- ertheless, there is no clear- cut dichotomy between community radio stations and commercial radio stations that broadcast in indigenous languages (Akpojivi, 2012a). Going by the above, it is obvious that Ghanaian society, including its media, is still not meeting the challenge of promoting and protecting the rights of all minority groups in Ghana. The systematic use of only the dominant languages in broadcasting not only excludes some people from the communication and political processes but also poses a threat to the sustenance of democracy in Ghana since ethnicity plays a crucial role in the political configuration of the state.7 Article 6 of the UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity Policy 2001, while calling for the protecting and promotion of minority rights, held that: While ensuring the free flow of ideas by word and image care should be exercised so that all cultures can express themselves and make Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 145 themselves known. Freedom of expression, media pluralism, mul- tilingualism, equal access to art and to scientific and technological knowledge, including in digital form, and the possibility for all cul- tures to have access to the means of expression and dissemination are the guarantees of cultural diversity. The continuation of broadcasting only in the dominant languages shows the shortfalls in realising the objectives of the media policies that target attaining universal access through the use of local languages in broadcasting. It has to be said that the socio- cultural realities of Ghana make it prac- tically impossible to attain the policy guidelines in their fine details. For example, radio stations cannot possibly broadcast or produce contents in all the different languages. It is in part to offset this difficulty that the guidelines have segregated the radio broadcast industry into public, commercial and community stations. The idea is that the community radio outlets produce programmes and content of and for their locali- ties. However, although there are at least six radio stations in each of the ten regions of Ghana,8 each region is still highly linguistically diverse and the media houses lack the financial resources and manpower to fulfil the requirements of the guidelines to the letter (Akpojivi, 2012b). As one policymaker described it, ‘most owners of these private radio stations do not have the financial capabilities to produce programmes in the different dialects; in fact, none of the radio stations in Ghana can produce programmes in the different dialects because of the huge financial responsibilities involved with production and distribution’ (Anonymous, Interview, 16 September 2010). Studies from scholars like Nyamnjoh (2005), Bourgault (1995) and Hasty (2005), amongst oth- ers, have discussed media production constraints in general from the African perspective. Thus, though using about seven languages appears to be reasonable, especially if those languages are understood by other speakers belonging to the minority language group, the lack of expan- sion into some of these minority languages beyond the seven leaves much to be desired in the context of our discussion. Furthermore, the issue of accuracy of expressions and translation of news items in indigenous language broadcasting has posed another chal- lenge. According to Fosu and Akpojivi (2013), there is a tendency dur- ing translation to embellish the indigenous language with ‘entertaining techniques such as proverbs, witty coinages, anecdotes and allusions’, which might lead to misrepresentation of words or context and affect the essence of the broadcast. This happens, although the Guidelines for Local Language Broadcasting provide a framework to inform such 146 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu broadcasting and translations; the guidelines charge news translators to be ‘faithful to the denotation and context of the original utilisation’ and say that translators should avoid literal translation in order to retain meaning (2009, p.  9). However, because of the linguistic issues  – most broadcasters were trained in the English language – this problem still per- sists. Therefore, there is a need for journalist training institutions to train journalists in indigenous language broadcasting and incorporate the use of indigenous language in the actual training of journalists. This should be complemented by an effective national language policy in general education so that indigenous language teaching and learning is taken more seriously at all levels of the educational structure than has been the case over the years. Achieving this would help satisfy the demand of the Guidelines of Local Language Broadcasting that charge broadcast stations to ‘ensure that at all times their reporters, news readers and presenters speak and write the local language in which they broadcast with high proficiency’ (2009, p. 7). This will, to a large extent, address translation problems and avoid the public’s misunderstanding of the content of radio broadcasts. Despite the challenges, there is hope with regard to the use of indig- enous language broadcasting in Ghana. Because most broadcasts are still in the dominant languages of Akan and Ewe, which have signifi- cant speakers across the other ethnic groups in the country, there is the opportunity for radio stations to reach out to other minority languages excluded in the communication process. Thus, broadcasting in other local dialects will not only increase the reach of the radio station but will further facilitate the emancipation of the people by giving them the opportunity to participate in both the media and political spheres. Early research on the impact of citizens’ participation on society reveals that not only is it a cornerstone for democracy but it will help ‘redistrib- ute power that enables the have- not citizens, presently excluded from the political and economic processes, to be deliberately included in the future’ (Arnstein, 1969, p. 216). Conclusion and recommendations Citizens’ participation is central to the consolidation of democracy, and one way of increasing participation in a country like Ghana character- ised by a high illiteracy rate and low access to the media is through the use of indigenous languages in broadcasting. Since the introduction of the various media policies that facilitated the subsequent use of indigenous language in broadcasting, most radio stations in Ghana have started broadcasting the majority of their programmes in the Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Ghana 147 dominant local languages. This has created a platform and opportunity for the marginalised and local peasants to participate and contribute towards media and political debates, as most people ‘feel more com- fortable participating in programmes that are broadcast in their native languages’ (Blankson, 2005, p. 16). This can be seen in the popularity of programmes like Kokrokoo and Drive Time, amongst others. Although radio broadcasts are still in the dominant languages of Akan and Ewe, this has, however, changed the broadcasting trend in Ghana from ‘foreignisation of broadcasting’ as argued by Blankson (2005) into the current wave of indigenous language broadcasting that has changed the face of broadcasting in Ghana (Kafewo, 2006). The use of indigenous languages in broadcasting has helped promote the local languages in Ghana and encouraged the public into participating in radio debates, which was once impossible due to the use of the English language. Nevertheless, the radio stations could still strive to expand their language beyond the few languages that have been used so far as the medium of broadcasting. This would include more citizens in the democratic discourse in the country. This chapter recommends that policymakers should formulate a national language policy that will help promote and encourage the use of indigenous languages in Ghanaian society. This policy should rec- ognise all the different languages and dialects in Ghana and encourage the mass media to produce programmes to meet the needs of the dif- ferent ethnic groups and dialects. To this end, funding or grants should be made available to radio stations that seek to broadcast beyond the dominant dialects but are hindered by a lack of finances or human resources. These funds will to a large extent address the financial and human resources issues identified by broadcasters for the continued and consistent continuous broadcasting in Ewe and Akan, thereby address- ing the issue of minority rights and protecting such rights according to international standards. In addition, journalists and broadcasters should be retrained in the use of indigenous language as this will help to address the problem of translation errors. Notes A total of 19 interviews were conducted with policymakers, media practitioners and non- governmental organisations (NGOs). However, because of ethical issues, the identities of some of the interviewees are not revealed in the study. 1. From the latest census results of 2010 (Ghana Statistical Service, 2012). 2. ‘Lingua franca’, in this sense, is a variety of language used by speakers without a common native language in order to communicate (Guerini, n.d.). 148 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Modestus Fosu 3. Scholars have generally used ‘educated Ghanaian’ to refer to those who have had at least ten years of formal education. 4. Scholars like Voltmer (2008), Coleman et al. (2011) and Diamond have all argued that consolidation of democracy in emerging democracies is cen- tred on the ability of the citizens to have access to information in order to make an informed decision. But the exclusion of certain marginalised people from the communication process will to a large extent endanger democracy. 5. 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